Nearly a year into the Prabowo-Gibran regime, mass resistance has erupted again. The underlying cause is the exploitative and oppressive policies of political elites, which have created a stark contrast between the political elite and the general public, as well as the systematic repression of various forms of resistance from the people.
The Prabowo-Gibran regime has successfully replicated Jokowi’s triumph in consolidating the majority of existing political elite factions. The consolidation is achieved by dividing access to political power (read: positions) and the economy. Danantara (the sovereign wealth fund), which aims raise tens of trillions of rupiah, will be directed to three sectors: natural resource management, AI and digital development, and food and energy security.
We can predict that political elites, particularly conglomerates will operating in the natural resources, AI and digital sectors, and energy and food sectors, will soon be showered with Danantara money. Inevitably, it will generate substantial fees worth billions, even trillions–just by managing and handling these assets that can worth tens of trillions of rupiah.
This includes further strengthening the military as the strongest political elite faction in Indonesia since the 1965 tragedy. Unsurprisingly, amidst budget efficiency, the two ministries with the largest budgets are those responsible for repressing workers and the people. These are the Ministry of Defense (Kemhan) and the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) with a budget of Rp139.2 trillion, and the Indonesian National Police (Polri) with a budget of Rp106 trillion. Furthermore, the new military-controlled agency, the National Nutrition Agency, has a budget of Rp71 trillion.
Currently, the military is involved in supporting the Free Nutritional Meals program (MBG/ Makan Bergizi Gratis). The Indonesian Army is drafting plans to form 100 new battalions to support this program and other development initiatives. In a recent move, the Minister of State-Owned Enterprises recently appointed the active-duty military officer Major General Novi Helmy as President Director of the State Logistics Agency (BULOG). BULOG is tasked with a strategic role in procuring goods for the future MBG program.
Furthermore, in January, Prabowo held a meeting with two hundred selected military officers holding the rank of colonel. They attended a short course on management, business, finance, and investment, which focused on the food and energy sectors. These officers are being considered for positions in companies supported by the Ministry of Defense, state-owned enterprises (BUMN), and regionally-owned enterprises (BUMD). Plans also include doubling the number of Territorial Command Structures.
The Prabowo-Gibran regime continues Jokowi’s accelerated remilitarization efforts. In general, Indonesia’s political elites have a weak faith in democracy and are cowardly in confronting the military. The 1998 Reformation, or democratic transformation against militarism, was incomplete. Political elites, including the National Mandate Party (PAN), the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), the National Awakening Party (PKB), the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), and others, betrayed the 1998 Reformation. The ABRI faction was abolished, but many other elements remained, from extra-territorial commands to various military businesses and companies.
The strengthening of militarism also served to protect this policy of allocating power. Similarly, various new legal instruments were created to support it, such as the RKUHP (Criminal Code), the RKUHAP (Procedural Code), the TNI (Indonesian National Armed Forces) Bill, and policies related to general elections. Meanwhile, various legal instruments were created to strengthen the distribution of economic power to political elites, such as the Job Creation Law, the Minerba Law, and so on.
According to the Central Statistic Agency (Badan Pusat Statistik/BPS), Indonesia’s poverty rate has fall to just 8.47 percent representing 23.85 million people by March 2025. The standardised calculation to accumulate on the national poverty line is less than 609,000 Indonesian Rupiah per month– however, if measured with the World Bank’s higher international poverty line of 1.51 million rupiah per month, the rate would surge around 68.3 percent which represent 194.72 million people.
Recently, there’s been rising prices of essential goods such as food, transportation and education and without a corresponding increase in purchasing power. The changes in the work system due to Job Creation law have also impacted previously stable formal employment, The BPS data indicates that more than 35 percent of the productive-age workers are currently working int the informal sector, where they experience minimal social security and uncertain incomes. Additionally, it was recorded that 42,385 people have lost their jobs during the first semester of Prabowo-Gibran regime (January-June). Evidently, it heightened social inequality, with the wealth of the richest 1 percent growing 17 times faster than the income of the bottom 50 percent.
The struggle to curb poverty, inequality and the suppression of democratic space is being waged by workers and the people. Various forms of resistances effort have risen from these group of people and workers, yet they have been systematically suppressed. Movement such as the Corruption of Reform, the Anti-Omnibus Law, the Emergency Warning (Peringatan Darurat) and the anti-Indonesian National Armed Forces Bill movement have all faced significant repression.
Large budgetary for the Ministry of Defense and the National Police (Polri) have further enhanced the TNI’s territorial command structure and advanced police equipment to suppress these resistances form and the people. Several recent issued policies have fueled years of unrest.
In July-August 2025, the government raised Land and Building Taxes (PBB/ Pajak Bumi Bangunan) various regions. This policy was implemented by unilaterally increasing the Taxable Object Sales Value (NJOP/Nilai Jual Objek Pajak) for property that are owned by the community, predominantly live in rural areas, namely farmers and local producers. The NJOP increase policy was enacted prior consultation between the people and the government that act as a civil servant. It was carried arbitrarily without considering the policy’s impact on the local’s economy.
Moreover, rumors have recently begun to surface in regards an increase in BPJS (Social Security Agency) contributions, set to take for 2026. These so-called “fair and prosperous” health insurance premiums have skyrocketed corresponding with the declining economy. Since 2014, BPJS premiums have increased by 100 to 200 percent from the initial levels when BPJS was established as a social security institution. Meanwhile, longstanding from beneficiaries about the quality and accessibility of BPJS services remain unsolved.
On the other hand, the Indonesian government continues to tax the public and implement programs that have no positive impact, or even have a negative impact, on the people. Take the Free Nutritious Meals program (MBG), for example – the food provided by this program to schoolchildren is often served in poor condition and frequently the food arrives spoiled.
As a result, many students and even teachers who consume the MBG program meals suffer from food poisoning. This issue is not isolated in one region but it has been experienced in many areas. These cases demonstrate that the government’s programs for the people are completely ineffective. The government continues to use public funds to poison its own people.
This situation worsened during the Plenary Session commemorating Indonesia’s 80th Anniversary, when Prabowo announced an increase in the House of Representatives (DPR) allowances, raising their total monthly income to over Rp 100 million. Even more absurdly, various allowances were seemingly “made up”—from communication allowances, rice allowances, housing allowances, assistant allowances, honorarium allowances, income tax allowances, and even functional enhancement allowances. Public outrage intensified as the DPR’s response, delivered by celebrities, mocked the plight of the people who are strangled ad struggling under the weight of soaring taxes.
Protest after protest that continuously erupted. August 13, 2025, Pati residents held a large-scale movement, organised by the United Pati Community Alliance, in front of the Regent’s Office. They demanded the cancellation of the PBB-P2 or Rural and Urban Area, and, Land and Building Tax increase and the removal of the Regent’s position. Tax protests then spread to other areas, with demonstrations occurring in at least Bone, Cirebon, and Cianjur.
On August 25, protests began in major cities, primarily protesting high taxes and the privileges gained by members of the House of Representatives (DPR). Demonstration took place in Medan, Jakarta, Pontianak, and Surabaya.
Regarding the issue of democracy in Papua, on August 27, 2025, Sorong residents organized a demonstration at the Sorong Police Headquarters. The Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) deployed 150 personnel, including two armored vehicles, to the protest site. Police sprayed the crowd with tear gas. By the end of the demonstration, at least 12 Sorong residents were arrested and several demonstrators were injured. Authorities also shot a motorcycle taxi driver who was inspecting conditions on Jalan Sudirman.
On August 28, protests resumed in Jakarta, with protesters attempting to occupy the DPR building. Police carried out mass arrests and assaults. It was this action where the martyr online motorcycle taxi (ojol) driver, Affan Kurniawan, was killed after being run over by a Brimob vehicle.
Later that night, on Jalan Bendungan Hilir, an armored vehicle with license plate 17713-VII drove through the crowd and ran over Affan Kurniawan, who attempted to cross the road. The murder of martyr Affan Kurniawan perpetrated by Brimob then spurred protests to spread in various regions. These protests targeted government centers, particularly the parliament building, but also police stations. With extraordinary courage, the people surrounded police stations, surrounded Brimob Headquarters, and attacked them. Suppressed anger and repressed resistance exploded within hours. The protests continued, escalating and becoming more radical. Demands emerged for the removal of National Police Chief Listyo Sigit.
In response to the growing masses anger, on August 29, Prabowo issued an open statement via the Presidential Secretariat’s YouTube channel. In his statement, he expressed half-hearted condolences for the motorcycle taxi (ojek) driver being run over – claiming that the root of the problem lay in “forced stability.” Positioning himself as a ‘detached’ observer, Prabowo did not acknowledge any mistakes during his leadership.
The National Police Chief attempted to improve their image by visiting the families of the martyr killed by the officers and apologizing to the motorcycle taxi community and their families. However, the protesters disapproved of the statements. The demonstrations continued to spread, and grew increasingly radical. Several government centers, such as the Regional People’s Representative Council (DPRD) office and the Gegana (Police Command) headquarters, were burned down by the mob. The homes of political elites, particularly those associated with statements demeaning the people or implementing policies detrimental to them, were looted.
Shortly after President Prabowo coordinated with National Police Chief, Listyo Sigit and Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI/ Tentara Negeri Indonesia) Commander, Agus Subiyanto, an announcement was issued on August 30 calling for “firm action” against the protestor. This was reinforced by Defense Minister Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin’s statement on August 31, declaring that the TNI Commander, assisted by the Army, Navy, and Air Force, would maintain “security” and oversee “natural resources.” The State Intelligence Agency (BIN / Badan Intelligent Negara) was tasked to monitoring and reporting to the president, which included authorizing firm measure against demonstrators. Larger military deployments occurred in at least six cities: Jakarta, Bandung, Yogyakarta, Surabaya, Semarang, and Makassar.
This military was the same one that had previously ruled for 32 years— a bloody reign riddled with corruption, collusion, and nepotism. The military, alongside with Golkar and Suharto, form the backbone of the New Order military dictatorship. In 1965, reactionary groups operating directly with the TNI– violently sabotaged progressive movements in Indonesia, reversing the entire process of nation-building. From 1996 to 1998, the Indonesian military systematically repressed and kidnapped pro-democracy activists. Today, we face a similar threat, with massive repression and murder perpetrated by state officials.
This military that has never been held accountable for all the crimes against humanity and the devastation it inflicted on this nation. It is a military that, with its territorial command structure, has assaulted protesting workers, shot farmers that resists the seizure of their land, intimidated students on campus, and orchestrated numerous racist riots.
On August 31, Prabowo Subianto held a meeting with the leaders of the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR), the House of Representatives (DPR), the Regional Representatives Council (DPD), and all political parties with seats in the DPR. Prabowo asked the DPR leadership to open a dialogue with the public and ensure that the people to not lose trust in the government. He also stated that he would revoke several DPR policies, which include the controversial allowances for DPR members and the moratorium on overseas working visits. However, In the same statement, he equated the ongoing demonstrations with terrorism.
The repression ensued a same pattern that happened during the 2019 Corrupted Reform Movement. Forcible dispersals, mass arrests, abuse, and even murder were carried out against demonstrators. Journalists,ambulances, paramedics, and medical centers were attacked and targeted. Evidently, it shows that even a ‘pure and peaceful’ protest, detached from “anarchist” elements, is not immune from repression.
On September 1, after visiting injured police officers’ at the Soekamto Police Hospital, Prabowo expressed his condolences apparent generosity–this time appearing a tone more sincere than his earlier expression to Affan Kurniawan’s family. Prabowo took concrete action by instructing National Police Chief, Listyo Sigit to promote the injured the police victims. In the same statement, he warned that all demonstrations must obtain permits and end by 6:00 PM and according to that perpetrator of human rights violator, he asserted that the mechanism ensure protests are conducted in “in accordance to the law” and represent what he classified as “correct” forms of expression.
That same evening, activists Delpedro Marhaen and Syahdan Husein were forcibly arrested by police without any clear charges.Polices arrested Delpedro and Syahdan, confiscated evidence material and declared that Delpedro will face five years in prison. Concurrently, protest at Pasundan University and Bandung Islamic University face were violently dispersed with tear gas and causing 12 students unconscious.
While, it is unusual that any electricity and live streaming to be cut off and prohibited. The authorities imposed power blackout, internet access disrupted and live streaming to be banned.. The Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPI/Komisi Penyiaran Indonesia) instructed 66 TV and radio stations, demanding a ban on covering and broadcasting violence perpetrated by the state forces which included digital attacks against activists. As a result, at least 7 people died, and hospital records show that 1,042 people were injured–though the actual numbers were likely far higher as many arrest accompanied by abuse. Approximately 3,337 people were arrested by August 31st including a Riau University student, Khariq Anwar who was arrested on August 29th.
The military played a role in these repressions, although initially on a smaller scale. Though military tended to present themselves as a supporter of the people’s struggle, or at least being neutral, or attempting to mediate between the police and the people. The Commander of the Jakarta Military Command (Pangdam Jaya) visited the Mobile Brigade headquarters (Mako Brimob) with military escort. Some videos circulated on social media showing Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) and Marines soldiers being welcomed with chants of “Long live the TNI.” There’s a video depicting soldiers attempts to assist demonstrators–which mirrors a similar incident occurred in Yogyakarta during the 2020 Anti-Omnibus Law protest. However,
However,most masses attitude are not the same towards military– as recently, there’s a video depicting masses mostly who are UI students, shouting slogans: “Go back to the barracks, right now!” repeatedly.
The Problematics of the Movement
Rapidly, university students, vocational school students, youth, workers, motorcycle taxi drivers, and others gained confidence that we, the people, can change the situation. After many years, the people’s movement rise again. The key to resolving all the issues faced by workers and the people lies in workers and the people believing in their own strength and oust the political elite and this process requires leadership and organization.
During the earliest explosion of the spontaneous movement, it is quite common for all groups or organizations to not immediately respond during the eruption occurred. Fundamentally, a spontaneous movement means that no group or organization is orchestrating it. It may began as a simple action organized by certain groups then develops into a massive resistance, without anyone ever anticipating it.
The readiness and accuracy of a revolutionary organization in responding to and leading such movement do not depend on its spontaneity but rather on the constructed historical character of that revolutionary organization. Which includes the correctness of its struggle program, its ideological perspective, and the traditions of leadership cultivated within the organization. If a revolutionary organization is built on the basis of only promoting normative issues or simply participating in actions, it is will likely get trapped in merely follow the steps of spontaneous movements. Likewise, if a revolutionary organization becomes stuck only theory work without ever practicing leadership, it will struggle to provide leadership in spontaneous movements. It is precisely during this non-revolutionary period that the work of building a revolutionary organization becomes crucial and important as it will be too late to build once the movement, uprise, or revolutionary situation occurs.
By then, the revolutionary organization must be in a state of readiness to launch action at any moment. This is a situation where something that took years to build can drastically change in a few days or even hours. However, to be tactically flexible, one must truly possess what can be called tactics. Without a strong revolutionary organization, tested in political struggle across all situations and times, it is impossible for a systematic action plan to be considered a tactic. Tactics must be guided by strong principles and executed steadfastly, qualities derived from a strong and tested revolutionary organization.
Therefore, a leadership revolutionary organization in spontaneous movement depends not only on the speed of intervention, but it also hinges various aspects of the building of a revolutionary organization itself– which later shapes its character as a revolutionary organization.
As the class struggle intensifies, political differences that were previously less prominent become increasingly sharpen. We can observe recently with various political views emerging from various groups.
Said Iqbal, leader of the Labor Party, has again attempted to divide the movement. This political elite, who clearly aligned with the power of the human rights violators, issued a statement that are actually dividing the masses. He expressed in an interview with Tempo before the labor action on August 27, 2025, stating that of non-workers, especially anarchists, should not join the demonstration.
Said Iqbal’s alignment with the authorities was displayed during May Day when he gave access Prabowo to speak, hold hands, and danced with workers. Said Iqbal’s statement misdirect the blame and perpetrators of the violence. Workers themselves have repeatedly experienced violence from political elites. The labor movement was sabotaged by the New Order military regime, as well as labour movements being attacked, as seen in the history of Omah Buruh and Saung Buruh. In essence, the state of these political elites is a tool of violence against workers and the people. There, resistance against them, including the use of violence, is a method of struggle for workers and the people.
Various groups often categorized as “civil society”– such as NGOs and several yellow unions, as well as students and Indonesian diaspora alumni, have adopted a reformist stance against the current radicalization of the people’s movement. They hope that Prabowo, the House of Representatives (DPR), the National Police (Polri), and the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) to remember they represent the people’s voice, obey the rule of law, stop repressive behavior, demand transparency, accountability. Their rhetoric often culminates in intellectualised pleas ending with slogans like: “We Are Waiting. Prove The People”s Voices Are Heard.” These citizens or “civil society” actors seek change through strict adherence to the law and the rules set by political elite.
Such efforts to remind political elites like Prabowo and arrogant members of the DPR only strengthens the position of those very elites. This lack of firmness and the mistaken belief in relying state institutions ultimately weaken the power of the masses. From the beginning, these elites have never considered policies that benefit workers and the people. Therefore, the next question is, why do they still rely on political elites and force the masses to depend on their oppressors?
They overlook the long-standing reality that – this is a struggle between the political elite and the workers and the people. This is a clear case of “them versus us”. They sabotaged the workers’ and people’s movements in the 1965 Tragedy, oppressed us in the DOM (Defence Forces) in Aceh and Papua, invaded and occupied Timor-Leste, kidnapped us in 1998, and incited racism against the Chinese, Timorese, and Papuans, etc.. Meanwhile, we responded with the 1998 Reformation, overthrowing Suharto and ending the 32-year New Order Military Regime and yet, they stole it again from us.
Then, another emerging slogan is “Reset Indonesia”. There’s no clear reason why this term was chosen. By definition, “reset” means resetting or returning something to its original state or initial state. What initial state is being referred ? There’s no explanation given. Returning to an initial state assumes that the existing system is fundamentally sounds good.
This indeed represent basic circle division within the movement, even since the inception of the movement, in regards the vision of Indonesia’s future. Some groups believe that the current (or at that time) system is fundamentally good, requiring only certain improvements. Meanwhile, others believe that the current system, capitalism, is fundamentally corrupt and a new system is needed, which we believe is socialism.
To achieve socialism, we need to open democratic space as widely as possible. This includes building a new system of power that allows for the involvement of workers and the people and democratization in the economic sector, namely the control of strategic assets in the hands of workers and the people so that they can be used to the greatest extent for the people’s prosperity.
We have experienced 27 years of the 1998 Reformation. We have seen and experienced firsthand what happens when changes fails to address the fundamental nature of the system itself. We have witnessed the consequences of power remaining in the hands of political elites. We have witness how the power is wielded under political elites. We must never forget that the democracy and prosperity negotiated in statements at the tables of Parliament and the State Palace were painful for workers and the people. It was painful for Affan, terrifying for Munir, horrifying for Marsinah, terrible for underpaid workers, traumatising for farmers whose land was seized, painful for all of us, workers and the people. Never forget that democracy is of the people, for the people, and by the people. The people are now exercising that democracy by taking to the streets to reclaim what has been stolen, to end all forms of oppression, and to heal all the pain inflicted when power was rested in the hands of political elites.
Our Call and Demands
Amidst the struggle, including the crackdown from the Prabowo-Gibran regime, we must continue to push for the strengthening and leadership of workers and the people. The current spontaneous actions must be given an organized and directed purpose. The steps that workers and the people must take are:
- Forming Resistance Committees. Resistance Committees were established in every corner of campuses, villages, and factories. These Resistance Committees were tasked with continuing to wage resistance against the political elite. They launching actions, strikes, occupations, and also became educational centers by holding mass meetings, political education sessions, discussions, and so on. These Resistance Committees would also coordinate all logistics to support the workers’ and people’s struggles.
- From Committees to People’s Power! As they grow, these Resistance Committees will become the embryo of people’s own power—ready to replace the corrupt state institutions of today’s political elite.
- Occupy! Mobilize! Rise! Take over campuses, factories, and centers of power! Carry forward the struggle, unleash a nationwide action across Indonesia!
Action committees functions as machines for the masses to exert working-class pressure on the government. It is within these committees that ideological work is carried out, discussions on current issues are held, and the void of left by depoliticized movement is filled. We already know that, House of Representatives (DPR), formally declared representative, does not worked at all on behalf of workers and the people. The masses themselves can be the driving force for change, representing their own political interests. Resistance committees consist of representatives of those involved in launching strikes and actions, who will later independently organize themselves– which constitutes an embryonic organ of workers’ power.
By building political consciousness and correct alignments, these committees will be able to address the needs of the masses, including eroding the occurrence of looting and the growth of racism. In our struggle, workers and the people must reject all attempts to sow discord and divide them, especially the racist or religious issues often used by the military. We must reject acts of mass looting against fellow citizens. Racist issues against ethnic Chinese, Eastern Indonesians, Papuans, or religion will divert us from our main enemy, the political elite, and turn it into a conflict among the people themselves.
Nine Demands of the Workers and People needs to be ensued until we win:
1. Abolish privileges! Slash the bloated salaries of state officials, generals, agency heads, commissioners, and directors of state-owned enterprises—bring them down to the level of the average wage! Redirect the stolen wealth to free education, free healthcare, public subsidies, and the welfare of workers and the people.
Cut the budgets of useless ministries and institutions that serve power, not the people—including the Ministry of Defense, the Police, the Attorney General’s Office, the National Intelligence Agency, the House of Representatives, and the People’s Consultative Assembly! Channel every rupiah to free education, free healthcare, public subsidies, and the welfare of workers and the people.
3. Raise workers’ wages! Cut the people’s taxes!
4. Make the corporations, banks, and conglomerates pay—impose heavy progressive taxes on their obscene profits!
5. Free our comrades now—unconditionally!
6. Arrest, prosecute, and jail the butchers and officials guilty of human rights crimes!
7. Slash the budget and disarm POLRI and every repressive tool of the Prabowo–Gibran regime!
8. Soldiers back to the barracks—end military interference in civilian life!
9. Seize all the assets of corruptors and tax-dodging conglomerates, and return them to the people through free education, free healthcare, public subsidies, and the welfare of workers and the people!
As with previous struggles, which include the 1998 Reformation– rumors have emerged suggesting that the movement is being exploited, or at least influenced by, the interests of certain political elite factions, or even foreign imperialist itself. The Prabowo-Gibran regime and other political elites have propagated narratives claiming “foreign actors,” as alleged by Hendropriyono, or “corruptors” and “mafia,” as stated by Prabowo are behind the protest
For instance, a report from Sputnik suggested two possible external actors involved in the current protest such as, the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), which it claims has funded Indonesian media since the 1990s and George Soros’s Open Society Foundations, which has over $8 billion in assets worldwide and supports groups like TIFA. Within the movement itself, similar concerns often arise, such as a fear of advancing the movement too forcefully as it may be accused of aligning with existing political elite factions.
Indeed, we must not be naive, assuming that political elites, regardless of faction, or even imperialist, regardless of country, will simply sit idly by. They will do everything in their power to ensure the movement aligns with their own interests, from outright massive repression to exploiting labor and co-opting people’s movements.This exploitation can be achieved through propaganda in the mass media and through infiltration of organizations and mass demonstrations. To some extent, they may benefit from the struggle for democratization. For example, regional political elites rejoiced the 1998 Reformation because it created opportunities for them to gain power in the regions after the fall of Suharto’s centralised militaristic regime.
The 1998 Reformation also demonstrated a similar trend: political elites, particularly those “outside” the New Order military regime, jostled for power by exploiting the 1998 Reformation for their own gain. However, the struggle for democratization ultimately benefits workers and the people. The more complete the struggle, the stronger the workers and the people confronting the political elites. While, the political elites will consistently uphold the historical waste such as militarism.
For those political elite will benefiting if the struggle remains incomplete and fails to open up democratic space as broadly as possible. If the movement is restrained, they gain more advantages from changes that is slow, gradual, cautious, moderate and avoiding mass mobilisation– as it minimizes the development of the people’s power, involvement, and initiative. simultaneously, if the movement remains restrained, the potential for workers and the people can attack the political elite which is evident during the resolution of 1998 Reformation, through the Ciganjur Declaration, the gradual revocation of the Dual Function of the Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI), and democratization carried out through elections, parliament, and the military, which were remnants of the New Order military regime. Painful? Absolutely, for workers and the people.
Politics is a battlefield, a conflict of “them versus us” with irreconcilable interest. Our struggle, it’s program, demands, and methods must clearly and unequivocally reflect the interests of workers and the people. Only this clarity can prevent that the workers’ and people’s movement are not exploited by or demarcated by political elites or imperialist forces. Moderate demands, those dreams of change and adherence to the laws and regulations made by the political elites, only open the door for workers and people to be exploited by the political elites. Remember, the political elites will not only exploit them as they are already counterattack.
The nine demands of the workers and people can be achieved through the unity of the workers and people, as well as through leadership of labor. This includes unleashing the primary and powerful weapon of the working class and people: the strike. The initial step to this is the establishment of Resistance Committees in every mass base.
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